The privileged normalization of marijuana use – an analysis of Canadian newspaper reporting, 1997–2007

Newspaper and article selection

Many media analyses do not use representative samples of stories. To overcome this limitation we used the Dow Jones Factiva® database (version: search 2.0, 2007) to search for articles that contained messages about marijuana and that were published in major English Canadian newspapers between 1 January 1997 and 31 December 2007. The following full-text query, consisting of terms that often refer to marijuana, was used to search the database: (marijuana OR marihuana) OR (cannabis OR canabis) OR (hashish OR hashesh OR hasheesh) OR (reefer) OR (charas) OR (pot) OR (weed). The Factiva Intelligent Indexing™ system was used to limit the search to English Canadian newspaper articles within the above date range that contained stories about Canada. This search resulted in a sample of 41,462 potentially relevant articles; we limited that initial sample to 37,288 papers that were published in 10 Canadian newspapers, including eight major regional newspapers (The Calgary Herald, Edmonton Journal, Montreal Gazette, Ottawa Citizen, Hamilton Spectator, Toronto Star, Vancouver Sun, and the Winnipeg Free Press) and two national newspapers (National Post and the Globe and Mail).

Article filtering

Our computer-assisted approach has been described in detail elsewhere (Voth et al. 2013). Briefly, the complete text of all potentially relevant articles was imported into a custom-developed computer system that facilitated the ascertainment of the in-context meaning of the ambiguous search terms (i.e. pot and weed) based on their co-occurrences with neighboring terms. The initial group of articles were classified as relevant or not relevant based on the use of particular combinations of terms with increased semantic specificity (e.g. articles using the term ‘in the pot business’ were classified as relevant and those using the term ‘pot lights’ were classified as not relevant). When the relevance remained uncertain, the articles were reviewed manually. Through this process, 16,549 relevant articles (excluding duplicates) were identified within the initial group.

Developing a sample of articles for qualitative analysis

The number of relevant articles was too large for in-depth qualitative analysis. A sampling procedure was implemented to reduce the sample to a manageable number of articles while maximizing the diversity of story content and minimizing the oversampling of the same story described in more than one newspaper. This was facilitated by a multivariate statistical technique, cluster analysis, which was specified to divide the sample into no more than 2000 relatively homogenous subsets (i.e. clusters) of similar articles. This analysis resulted in 1999 clusters, and the number of articles per cluster ranged from 1 to 46. One article was randomly selected from each cluster; thus, the total sample of 16,549 relevant articles was reduced to a heterogeneous sample of 1999 articles.

Elite privilege: reporting marijuana use by celebrities and athletes

We examined the types of social groups and individuals with whom marijuana is associated. In the articles associated with the Popular Culture or Professional Sports themes, it was apparent that a type of moral double standard was at play, whereby marijuana use was normalized for social elites, typically men, including musicians, professional athletes, and other celebrities. Although some stories of use by high-status persons were toned as if to diminish their reputation, this was the exception, and stories often focused on celebrities who did not fit the social script of the elite (e.g. English singer Amy Winehouse). Many stories were framed in such a way so as to condone or even celebrate celebrities’ marijuana use. Indeed, some celebrities discussed their use as if it were an essential aspect of their public persona. For example, an article discussing Tommy Chong of Cheech and Chong, an American comedy duo of the 1970s and 1980s (and well known as marijuana advocates), quoted Chong as saying, ‘Everything I am, I owe to that good ol’ pot’ (Calgary Herald, 12 November 2005). Another article quoted Snoop Dogg, an American hip hop artist and actor, describing his favorite aspect of working in Vancouver, Canada: ‘“It’s the weed,” he said, “You know I’m a dedicated bonghead”’ (Financial Post, August 6, 2001). News reports also referred to the well-known use of marijuana by music icons, including the Beatles and Bob Dylan. There was also reporting about popular song titles and lyrics that promoted marijuana use, such as ‘Because I Got High’ by rapper Afroman (Winnipeg Free Press, Jun 26, 2007) and ‘Hits from the Bong’ and ‘Legalize It’ by the hip hop group, Cypress Hill (described as being ‘pro-marijuana performers’) (Globe and Mail, March 10, 2006). These artists were not only expected to smoke marijuana, they were seen as ambassadors of its use. From our readings, the frequent references to marijuana use within celebrity social circles and Hollywood culture symbolically linked marijuana with wealth, success, and fame.

Discussions of marijuana use by athletes, particularly male athletes in football, hockey, and basketball, were also strong features of the discourse of elite privilege. The association between marijuana use and the elite masculine sporting world is epitomized by a quote from Hamilton Tiger-Cats (Canadian Football League) defensive lineman, Adriano Belli when he spoke about American football player Ricky Williams: ‘I’ve seen some of the best players I’ve ever played with addicted to marijuana – or other drugs, or painkillers, or whatnot. It’s football, it’s not badminton’ (Calgary Herald, June 1, 2006). This comment portrays the acceptance of marijuana use (and of drugs, generally) in male-dominated sports and illustrates how the discourse supports gendered narratives. Ross Rebagliati received a great deal of media attention as the Canadian snowboarder who almost lost his gold medal after testing positively for marijuana during the 1998 Winter Olympics, which he claimed was the result of being exposed to second-hand marijuana smoke. In news stories, he was often celebrated as a ‘Canadian pot hero’ and pro-pot advocate, particularly because his case was perceived as a victory for the decriminalization movement (marijuana was not on the list of banned substances and the medal was reinstated).

It is important to note that drug use by celebrity figures was not always ‘celebrated’ or portrayed positively by the media. Articles about entertainers and athletes being charged or arrested for marijuana possession followed a ‘fallen hero’ script wherein high-profile men were chastised for their drug use, which was represented as a weakness or character-failing. Although these reports often stigmatized the celebrity, they also perpetuated an image of marijuana as edgy, rebellious, and an acceptable – or at least expected – aspect of celebrity culture. This apparent contradiction suggests how the discursive effects of privileged normalization are simultaneously inclusionary and exclusionary in relation to the status and identities of the marijuana user, with the result that some identities are subject to ‘othering’ while the marijuana use of other groups is sanctioned. Our analysis also suggests that in addition to being masculinized, privileged normalization, as present in news stories about celebrities, is also racialized. For example, older, white male celebrities (e.g. country musician Willie Nelson) were able to use their status as a ‘positive’ platform to advocate for the reform of marijuana laws, while younger, black men in the hip hop genre were cast in a negative light for supposedly glorifying illicit substance use in their music. It is notable that almost all of the reported use by celebrity athletes and entertainers was by men; women’s use of marijuana was positioned as comparatively more stigmatized than men’s.

Gender privilege: gender-bias in stories about women’s marijuana use

Aligned with a framework wherein marijuana use is sanctioned for those with social privilege, a similar symbolic framing underpinned how news stories about marijuana were gendered. With the thematic code Gender, we predetermined that the simple mention of a man or a woman in a story was not sufficient to warrant an article’s inclusion in the thematic analysis. Instead, we were interested in identifying discourses that focused on particular aspects of men’s or women’s roles or identities with respect to marijuana use. This included reading stories for content about masculinities, femininities, and gender relations. In some cases, the gender discourse was subtle, with specific expectations and norms being merely hinted at; in others, the discourse was patent. What our analysis revealed was the ways in which, in general, women’s marijuana use was portrayed as an exceptional activity, and therefore a phenomenon of interest.

Several of the sampled stories situated women as intermediaries in marijuana trafficking. Often these women were portrayed as having low social status. For example, a woman charged with trafficking marijuana in Bali who was pleading for her life was described as a ‘former student beautician,’ a superfluous reference to her occupation implying a lack of education and sophistication (Calgary Herald, April 29, 2005). In another article, women were described as having agreed to act as ‘mules,’ smuggling hundreds of thousands of dollars’ worth of marijuana across borders in exchange for travel opportunities. In stories such as these, the women were portrayed as naïve, ignorant, or gullible. There was an associated discourse about women’s need to care for others; for example, girlfriends and wives were described as having been discovered smuggling marijuana into prisons for their incarcerated partners. The implicit message was that being female makes women increasingly vulnerable to the moral corruption and ‘lawlessness’ that is symbolically linked to marijuana use; part of a cultural narrative wherein ‘women who fall from grace were seen as more criminal and deviant than their male counterparts’ (Boyd 2009, p. 54).

This discourse centers on the theme that only ‘bad’ girls and ‘monster’ mothers, who are morally problematic, smoke marijuana; they are not presented as women but instead represented as stereotypes. One woman who had committed a crime while under the influence of marijuana was described, in court, as ‘the personification of an evil blonde’ (Edmonton Journal, July 24, 2006). Another example is the story of a young girl who was on trial for murder. Her consumption of marijuana and alcohol was part of the context and the headline read, ‘I am not a Monster’ (Financial Post, July 8, 2004). A young woman charged with selling cookies containing marijuana was quoted as saying, ‘I am a good girl, and my lawyer’s happy’ and was described by the reporter as a ‘diminutive woman who keeps her hair in pigtails’ (Financial Post, March 21, 2005), infantilizing the woman and suggesting that her feminine naiveté was to blame for her marijuana involvement. This discourse also centers on representations of mothers, which is an additional layer of gendered stigmatization ascribed to women; women who are parents and who use marijuana or other substances are often vilified (Reid, Greaves, and Poole 2008). One way to discredit a woman who is a mother is to mention the fact that she has smoked marijuana. A woman whose children had been murdered by an arsonist found herself on the defensive because she had smoked marijuana. She recognized that she was being criticized and asked of the journalist, ‘How is this relevant to them killing my kids?’ (Financial Post, May 24, 2006). It is revealing that the mother’s guilt became the focus of the story, rather than the arsonist’s. The story of a woman running a children’s day-care center with a marijuana grow operation in the attic unmistakably portrayed the woman as someone who placed children at risk, with the headline, ‘Pregnant Woman will do Jail Time for Selling Pot: Baby Expected Behind Bars’ (Financial Post, June 2, 2005). These women were implicitly characterized as lacking feminine qualities of nurturance and moral integrity, and societal expectations of motherhood were uniquely applied to demonize these and other mothers who use substances.

Several sampled stories detailing crimes related to sexual assault or sexual risk were noted. In these stories, marijuana was described as a contextual factor that can ‘dope’ women and make them vulnerable to sexual predators. Teens were described as having been bribed with marijuana for sexual favors. Young women were described as having been given marijuana and alcohol and then sexually exploited. Abusive relationships were often said to be ‘fueled’ by marijuana use. At times, this discourse was subtle; the seizure of marijuana was mentioned almost in passing in relation to the reporting of a sex crime. In other articles, marijuana use was positioned in ways that contributed to gendered ‘victim blaming,’ especially when it was mentioned as an explanation or justification for violence perpetrated against women. By mentioning that an abused or murdered woman smoked marijuana or was involved in the selling of marijuana, the implication was that an assault could be rationalized, as if this type of treatment is to be ‘expected’ for women who are drug users.

In parallel to the discourse of women and marijuana use, there is a corresponding discourse that aligns men’s marijuana involvement or use with aggression. Men’s marijuana use was often cited as a cause of vandalism, physical assault, and even murder. Weapons were frequently featured in these stories. Marijuana grow operations were situated as the cause of gang (viz. masculine) violence. For example, Andy, a young boy who was the victim of bullying and who frequented a skateboard park where he smoked marijuana was described as killing two people and wounding three others because ‘the deadly signs’ of his potential for violence were missed (Hamilton Spectator, November 21, 2005). In some instances, a relationship between aggression and the consumption of marijuana was casually alluded to: the perpetrator of the aggression was described as ‘possessing marijuana’ or marijuana was simply a part of the backdrop of the story. For example, the following is a reporter’s description of a docudrama: ‘The male characters, as portrayed here, smoke marijuana, drink liquor, insult each other, get into occasional fights and drive dangerously’ (Montreal Gazette, January 12, 2007). Hell’s Angels, the Banditos, and other (male-dominated) organized crime groups were mentioned frequently in this discourse.

Defining the ‘underclass’: the othering of marijuana users in news reporting

In contrast to the discourse related to elite and gender privilege, there were several stories that vilified or ‘othered’ specific groups of users. It was clear from these stories that marijuana use was not appropriate for particular groups, or that use by particular groups was problematic. ‘Othering’ describes practices of marginalization based on apparent differences, often race or ethnicity, and is ‘a process that identifies those that are thought to be different from oneself or the mainstream,’ which ‘can reinforce power and reproduce positions of domination and subordination’ (Johnson et al. 2004, 253). We identified othering discourses in the news reporting on marijuana when we noted discriminating statements that set persons apart because of their race or ethnicity, age, social status or so-called outlaw or subcultural group membership. This included the presence of generalizing statements within a story that made claims about groups or individuals that were not substantiated, and the tendency to use a person’s race, class, or other irrelevant characteristic to position him or her as different, problematic, or ‘other.’ For this analysis, we drew initially on the articles coded in the Othering theme, but our analysis revealed considerable overlap with articles in the Crime/Violence theme because of the pejorative association between marijuana use and specific groups or individuals in relation to criminality. In addition to the expected othering of criminals, the newspaper reporting we sampled also contained stigmatizing portrayals of particular ethno-racial groups and of youth.

The othering of marijuana use by so-called ‘criminals’ occurred in complex ways across the sampled stories. Many of the stories about criminality were not primarily about marijuana. For example, several stories about homicide and murder cases in Canada mentioned the use of marijuana by the perpetrators, especially youth perpetrators. An example of this arose in the stories published about the bullying and murder of 14-year-old Reena Virk in 1997, near Victoria, Canada; the teens involved in the murder were described as having smoked marijuana. Implicit in many of the descriptions of these non-drug-related crimes is the idea that marijuana smoking disinhibited individuals, reduced their moral threshold, and facilitated their criminal activity.

There were articles about drugs, in general, and marijuana specifically, that ‘othered’ gang members and other criminals directly involved in the drug trade. The groups censoriously associated with marijuana in this way primarily included biker gangs and ‘ethnic’ gangs composed of racialized groups. For instance, a story about police arrests of a drug trafficking ring in Quebec quoted a police source describing the drug distribution group as ‘a mix of Italian and Asian gangs,’ but then added ‘nine of those arrested are French or English Canadian, however’ (Montreal Gazette, March 22, 2006). The ethnic groups most often othered in this way were lumped together as ‘Asians.’ Specific groups mentioned in the stories were mostly South Asian and Vietnamese people, especially in stories originating in British Columbia. A computerized search for the word ‘gang’ in all the stories coded as Othering revealed that in 90% of the stories where the word was found, a reference was made to a racialized group. Thus, the very notion of ‘gangs’ appears to be racialized; the tone of these stories almost always alluded to negative race-based stereotypes in relation to criminal activity. What is striking about these stories is how few are non-racialized. A story entitled ‘Race and Crime’ was the only piece that explicitly addressed the racialized discourse and is worth quoting at length:

There is no denying that along with every other nation of immigrants, we do, at intervals, experience mini crime waves that can be traced to specific points of origin. Much so-called ‘black crime,’ for instance, might be better described as ‘Canadian-Jamaican’ crime … But that doesn’t make criminals out of the vast majority of immigrant Jamaicans, and the same holds true for other minorities. A sizable chunk of the huge marijuana-growing industry in British Columbia, for instance, is operated by individuals of Vietnamese origin. All of these transient patterns have much to do with ethnically rooted social networks, and nothing to do with race. But one thread that does connect so-called ‘black crime,’ at least in Toronto, is economic deprivation. A full 45 per cent of the city’s black community is currently estimated to be living below the poverty line, and as in almost any society, poverty breeds hopelessness and crime. (Globe and Mail, September 10, 2001, emphasis added)

Among the stories coded under this theme, this article was the only one that attempted to address the issue of social inequity in connection to marijuana-related crime. Other stories offered little explanation or analysis and merely referenced people’s ‘race’ without any explanation as to why this was relevant.

In addition to race, othering occurred in relation to age. Prominent in these newspaper stories were statistical reports indicating that greater numbers of teenagers smoke marijuana compared with teenagers of past decades. Although factual in tone, the headlines were sometimes sensational and meant to appeal to a mainstream adult readership; for example, stories with headlines such as ‘Stoned, Fried, High…. Do You Know if your Kids are Using Drugs?’ (Hamilton Spectator, December 16, 2005) and ‘The Allure of Marijuana’ (Hamilton Spectator, December 17, 2005). This age-based othering was evident in stories linking young people’s marijuana use with crime. As noted previously, young people that use marijuana (especially young women) were often painted as victims. At the same time, in the stories about youth, drug use was portrayed as evidence of their inherently violent nature, fueling their participation in drug-addled crimes. For example, in a story about the murder of a Vancouver teenager, the attackers were described as being ‘from three separate groups of young men … bound together by pent-up anger and fuelled by marijuana and alcohol’ (Globe and Mail, November 5, 2005). There were a few stories in this theme that seemed to be geared towards middle-class parents because they addressed how to stop the apparent rise of marijuana use by youth. In an article describing a study of factors that may prevent youth from using drugs (Family Dining Overrated: Meatloaf won’t Solve Obese Kids, Drug Addiction), the writers suggested that family meals may curb risky behavior (Edmonton Journal, November 11, 2005). Stories such as this offer a return to ‘family values’ as a way to keep youth away from drugs, including marijuana. This is another example of a discourse that attributes drug use and drug prevention to individual factors, and fails to consider the structural barriers to healthful, routine family dining.

This project was funded by a Standard Research Grant from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC) (grant 410–2007–2220), for the project ‘The media discourse related to marijuana use’ (Principal Applicant, Joy L. Johnson). We would like to acknowledge the extensive technical contributions of Mr James Voth in developing the program that was used in the sampling of the data for this manuscript.